The Walker Loyalty Matrix is structured so the two axes represent the two aspects of loyalty – attitude and behavior. This forms four quadrants that can be defined as follows:
• Truly Loyal – These customers have every intention of continuing to do business with you and they have a positive attitude toward your company. They like working with you and are more likely to increase their spending and recommend your company to others.
• Accessible – These customers have a good attitude about working with you, but do not plan to continue their relationship. Since this is a rather odd combination, it’s not surprising that it is often a very small percentage of customers. What it typically means is that something has changed in their business and they do not need your product or service any longer. However, they are often good advocates and will typically speak highly of your company.
• Trapped – These customers show every indication of continuing business with you, but they’re not very happy about it. They feel trapped in the relationship. This is common among organizations locked into long-term contracts, lacking a suitable substitute, or finding that
it is too hard to switch. Eventually, trapped customers will find a better option and are not likely to continue or increase business with you.
• High Risk – As the name implies, these customers do not intend to return and do not have a healthy attitude about their relationship with your company. Typically, they are halfway out the door and not only will they no longer be a customer, but will also talk poorly about you in the marketplace.

,A Fronteer Strategy report distinguishes four types of co-creation. Again two dichotomies are classified creating a quadrant gird. They are openness where anyone can join or selected people can join and ownership, initiator only v. initiator and contributor. Which type to choose is depending on the challenge at hand. There is always an initiator, i.e. the party that decides to start a Co-creation initiative. That can be a company or just a single person. One or (many!) more contributors will be joining the process. The initiator determines who can participate and under what conditions.
Hence, there are two main dimensions in Co-creation:
• Openness: Can anyone join in or is there a selection criterion somewhere in the process?
• Ownership: Is the outcome owned by just the initiator or by contributors as well?
These two dimensions lead to the four types of Co-creation:
Club of experts: The ‘‘Club of Experts” style of co-creation is best suitable for very particular, time-pressured challenges that demand expertise and breakthrough ideas. Contributors meet certain specific participation criteria and are found through an active selection process. The quality of input and chemistry between participants are key to success. ‘No-box’ thinkers are the ones you want to have in any project.
Example: Nokia organizes ‘lead user’ and ‘expert’ co-creation sessions to develop visionary new products and services. Fronteer Strategy is a partner of Nokia in these projects, where bold new steps have been designed.
A crowd of people: Also known as “Crowdsourcing”, this form is all about the Rule of Big Numbers: anyone can join. For any given challenge, there might be a person ‘out there’ with a brilliant idea that deserves considering. Using online platforms, people can rate and respond to each other’s suggestions. There is often a marketing and seeding component/objective attached to the process. Crowdsourcing ‘unleashes the power of the masses’, but often takes longer – and you’re not sure that the best people will (want to) contribute. For instance, Nokia is a frontrunner when it comes to using lead users, experts and beta testers.
Example: Threadless is a successful online t-shirt platform where contributors can send in and rate t-shirt designs. Profits on sold items are shared with the designer in question. Not bad: a full 30% profit margin selling t-shirts with no R&D cost, low investments (no stock or debtors) and hardly any employees.
A coalition of parties: In certain complex situations, a “Coalition” of parties team up to share ideas and investments (Co-branding is also an example of Coalition-style co-creation). Each of the parties brings a particular asset or skill to the party. Technical breakthroughs and the realization of standards often happen only when multiple parties collaborate – especially important when capital expenditures are high. Critical success factors include sharing knowledge and creating a standard competitive advantage.
Example: Heineken has successfully launched a home draft system called the ‘Beertender’ in co- operation with Krups. A development period of 10 years resulted in the first real packaging innovation in beer in a long time. Also, Heineken has worked with outsiders to develop for example its aluminium bottle range.
A community of kindred spirits: The “Community” form is most relevant when developing something for the greater good. Groups of people with similar interests and goals can come together and create. This model – so far – works mostly in software development and leverages the potential force of a large group of people with complementary areas of expertise.
Example: The Linux open source operating system software was developed by users and for users. The software code is free to use and owned by nobody. It started with one simple e-mail with a request for help.

Similar to the Apostle Model, this Loyalty-Profitability Model is depicted in a quadrant chart that segments customers four ways. The chart below shows the segments and the appropriate actions to be taken for each one, according to Reinartz and Kumar.
Segmenting your customers like this is a very enlightening exercise, and you can very clearly see where to focus your efforts and resources.
As you can also see, True Friends are the best fit. In the article, they note that companies need to focus on growing the True Believers, which are not shown in the quadrant above but are your True Friends with the highest levels of loyalty and profitability. (In the Apostle Model, they are equivalent to your Apostles; in NPS, they would be your Promoters.) They are your most-valuable customers. True Believers display high levels of both behavioral and attitudinal loyalty. These are relationships that companies really need to nurture, support, retain, and grow. Continue to delight.
The Butterflies flit in, make a purchase (or purchases) at a nice profit for the company but are not committed to your brand. Efforts to convert these customers to loyal customers are typically a waste of time and resources, despite their high profit potential. But, because of that, they should not be ignored; make the transaction(s) delightful and move on. You won't be able to convert them.
Barnacles can be, like their namesake, a drag on the ship. They are loyal in name but may take advantage of free services and offerings more than they actually spend money with you. They may purchase one product and call your customer support line daily, exhausting resources there without spending another dime. These require a closer look, and actions toward these customers are based on financial/profit potential, specifically on their size of wallet (i.e., value) or share of wallet (i.e., potential value).
And finally, Strangers are not worth any additional effort. They likely bought an item at a steep discount and won't be back. Don't invest any resources in these customers.


In her book Customer Loyalty: How to Earn It, How to Keep It, Jill Griffin cross-compares low and high relative attachment with high and low repeat purchase frequencies, and discusses the four distinct types of customer loyalty revealed through this comparison, which she places in a quadrant matrix based off of two dichotomies.
No Loyalty
For varying reasons, some customers do not develop loyalty to certain products or services. For example, I know a manager of a travel agency who goes anywhere in town to get a haircut, so long as it costs him $10 or less and he doesn’t have to wait. He rarely goes to the same place two consecutive times. To him, a haircut is a haircut regardless of where he receives it. (The fact that he is almost bald may have something to do with it!) His low attachment toward hair services combined with low repeat patronage signifies an absence of loyalty. Generally speaking, businesses should avoid targeting no-loyalty buyers because they will never be loyal customers; they add little to the financial strength of the business. The challenge is to avoid targeting as many of these people as possible in favor of customers whose loyalty can be developed.
Inertia Loyalty
A low level of attachment coupled with high repeat purchase produces inertia loyalty. This customer buys out of habit. It’s the “because we’ve always used it” or “because it’s convenient” type of purchase. In other words, nonattitudinal, situational factors are the primary reason for buying. This buyer feels some degree of satisfaction with the company, or at least no real dissatisfaction. This loyalty is most typical for frequently bought products. It’s exemplified by the customer who buys gas at the station down the street, dry cleaning from the store down the block and shoe repair from the nearby cobbler. This buyer is ripe for a competitor’s product that can demonstrate a visible benefit to switching. It is possible to turn inertia loyalty into a higher form of loyalty by actively courting the customer and increasing the positive differentiation he or she perceives about your product or service compared to others available. For example, a dry cleaner that offers home delivery or extended hours could make its customers aware of this fact as a way to differentiate its service quality from that of competitors.
Latent Loyalty
A high relative attitude combined with low repeat purchase signifies latent loyalty. If a customer has latent loyalty, situational effects rather than attitudinal influences determine repeat purchase. I am a big fan of Chinese food and have a favorite Chinese restaurant in my neighborhood. My husband, however, is less fond of Oriental food, and so despite my loyalty I patronize the Chinese restaurant only on occasion and we go instead to restaurants that we both enjoy. By understanding situational factors that contribute to latent loyalty, a business can devise a strategy to combat them. The Chinese restaurant might consider adding a few all-American dishes to its menu to pacify reluctant patrons like my husband.
Premium Loyalty
Premium loyalty, the most leverageable of the four types, prevails when a high level of attachment and repeat patronage coexist. This is the preferred type of loyalty for all customers of any business. At the highest level of preference, people are proud of discovering and using the product and take pleasure in sharing their knowledge with peers and family. Loyal Swiss Army Knife users are constantly telling friends and neighbors how valuable the knife is; how many handy uses it has; and how often they have used it in a day, a week or a month. These customers become vocal advocates for the product or service and constantly refer others to it. When I was starting my business, a friend was newly inspired by the Quicken software program, which automates one’s checkbook. He insisted on bringing his program over and demonstrating it to me on my computer. He was displaying premium loyalty.

The Fourth Estate (or fourth power) is a societal or political force or institution whose influence is not consistently or officially recognized. "Fourth Estate" most commonly refers to the news media, especially print journalism or "the press". Thomas Carlyle attributed the origin of the term to Edmund Burke, who used it in a parliamentary debate in 1787 on the opening up of press reporting of the House of Commons of Great Britain.[1] Earlier writers have applied the term to lawyers, to the British queens consort (acting as a free agent, independent of the king), and to the proletariat. The term makes implicit reference to the earlier division of the three Estates of the Realm.
First Estate[edit]
The First Estate comprised the entire clergy, traditionally divided into "higher" and "lower" clergy. Although there was no formal demarcation between the two categories, the upper clergy were, effectively, clerical nobility, from the families of the Second Estate. In the time of Louis XVI, every bishop in France was a nobleman, a situation that had not existed before the 18th century.[4]
At the other extreme, the "lower clergy" (about equally divided between parish priests and monks and nuns) constituted about 90 percent of the First Estate, which in 1789 numbered around 130,000 (about 0.5% of the population).
Second Estate[edit]
The Second Estate (Fr. deuxieme état) was the French nobility and (technically, though not in common use) royalty, other than the monarch himself, who stood outside of the system of estates.
The Second Estate is traditionally divided into "noblesse d'épée" ("nobility of the sword"), and "noblesse de robe" ("nobility of the robe"), the magisterial class that administered royal justice and civil government.
The Second Estate constituted approximately 1.5% of France's population.[citation needed] Under the ancien régime ("old rule/old government"), the Second Estate were exempt from the corvée royale (forced labour on the roads) and from most other forms of taxation such as the gabelle (salt tax) and most important, the taille (the oldest form of direct taxation). This exemption from paying taxes led to their reluctance to reform.
Third Estate[edit]
Coat of arms of pre-revolutionary Kingdom of France
Kingdom of France
Estates of the realm
French nobility
Seigneurial system
v t e
The Third Estate comprised all of those who were not members of the above and can be divided into two groups, urban and rural, together making up 97% of France's population.[citation needed] The urban included the bourgeoisie, as well as wage-labourers. The rural included free peasants (who owned their own land) who could be prosperous and villeins (serfs, or peasants working on a noble's land). The free peasants paid disproportionately high taxes compared to the other Estates and were unhappy because they wanted more rights. In addition, the First and Second Estates relied on the labour of the Third, which made the latter's unequal status all the more glaring.
There were an estimated 27 million people in the Third Estate when the French Revolution started.
Men and women shared the hard life of physical labour and food shortages. Most were born within this group and died as a part of it, too. It was extremely rare for people of this ascribed status to make it out into another estate. Those who did so managed as a result of either being recognized for their extraordinary bravery in a battle or entering religious life.[5] A few commoners were able to catch the eye of the second estate, marry, and join them, although this was quite rare.[5]
Notice how the fourth is different and transcendent. Most people do not refer to the fourth estate. But it is not completely different like the fifth would be. The fourth is different, yet encompasses the previous three and points to the fifth.

HMAS Quadrant (G11/D11/F01), named for the navigational instrument,[2] was a Q-class destroyer operated by the Royal Navy as HMS Quadrant (G67/D17) during World War II, and the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) from 1945 to 1957. The ship was built during the early 1940s as one of the War Emergency Programme destroyers, and entered service in 1942.
During World War II, Quadrant served as a convoy escort in the Arctic, South Atlantic, and Indian Oceans, and operated with the British Eastern and British Pacific Fleets. At the war's end, the ship was decommissioned and transferred to the RAN, which operated her for two years before placing her in reserve. In 1950, the ship was docked for conversion into an anti-submarine frigate. Quadrant was recommissioned in 1953, and operated with the RAN until 1957, when she was paid off. The ship was sold for breaking in 1963.
4 × single 4.7-inch QF Mark XI** guns
1 × quadruple 2-pounder "pom-pom"
6 × single 20 mm Oerlikon guns
2 × quadruple torpedo tube sets for 21-inch torpedoes
4 × depth charge throwers, up to 70 depth charges
Quadrant was built to the wartime Q class design; the third flotilla of War Emergency Programme destroyers. These ships had a displacement of 1,750 tons at standard load, and 2,388 tons at full load.[2] The destroyer was 358 feet 3 inches (109.19 m) in length overall, 339 feet 6 inches (103.48 m) long between perpendiculars, and had a beam of 35 feet 8 inches (10.87 m).[2] Propulsion was provided by two Admiralty 3-drum boilers connected to Parsons geared turbines; these provided 40,000 shaft horsepower to the destroyer's two propellers.[3] Quadrant could reach speeds of 31.5 knots (58.3 km/h; 36.2 mph).[2] The ship's company consisted of 220 officers and sailors.[3]
Quadrant 's armament (at the end of World War II) consisted of four single 4.7-inch QF Mark XI** guns, a quadruple 2-pounder "pom-pom", six single 20 mm Oerlikon anti-aircraft guns, and two quadruple torpedo tube sets for 21-inch torpedoes.[2] The ship was also fitted with four depth charge throwers, with up to 70 depth charges carried.[2]
During World War II, Quadrant served with the British Eastern and British Pacific Fleets.[4]
Quadrant was engaged in convoy escort duties in the Arctic, South Atlantic, and Indian Oceans. She took part in the North African landings, aircraft carrier strikes against Surabaya and bombardment of the Nicobar Islands. She served with the British Pacific Fleet in 1945 where she took part in operations against Formosa (Taiwan), Okinawa, and the Japanese home islands.[4]

Quadrant was one of the earliest British motorcycle manufacturers, established in Birmingham in 1901. Famous for their big singles, Quadrant pioneered many innovations that proved important for motorcycle development but struggled after the First World War and the company was wound up in 1928.[

Main Street Four-Point Approach®
The Main Street Four-Point Approach® is a unique preservation-based economic development tool that enables communities to revitalize downtown and neighborhood business districts by leveraging local assets - from historic, cultural, and architectural resources to local enterprises and community pride. It is a comprehensive strategy that addresses the variety of issues and problems that challenge traditional commercial districts.
Since its founding in 1980, Main Street has been the leader of a coast-to-coast network now encompassing more than 2,000 programs and leaders who use the Main Street Approach® to rebuild the places and enterprises that create sustainable, vibrant communities. This approach has been implemented in over 1,200 cities and towns in 40 states across the nation with the help of the National Main Street Center and statewide downtown revitalization programs.
The success of the Main Street Approach® is based on its comprehensive nature. By carefully integrating four points into a practical downtown management strategy, a local Main Street program will produce fundamental changes in a community’s economic base.
Organization Organization involves building a Main Street framework that is well represented by business and property owners, bankers, citizens, historic preservationists, entrepreneurs, public officials, chambers of commerce, and other local economic development organizations. Everyone must work together to renew downtown. A strong organization provides the structure and stability to build and maintain a long-term effort.
Promotion Promotion creates excitement and vibrancy downtown. Street festivals, parades, retail events, and image development campaigns are some of the ways Main Street provides education on what’s downtown and encourages customer traffic. Promotion involves marketing an enticing image to shoppers, investors, and visitors.
Design Design enhances the look and feel of the commercial district. Historic building rehabilitation, street and alley clean-up, landscaping, street furniture, signage, visual merchandising and lighting all improve the physical image of the downtown as a quality place to shop, work, walk, invest in, and live. Design improvements result in a reinvestment of public and private dollars to downtown.
Economic Restructuring Economic Restructuring involves analyzing current market forces to develop long-term solutions. Recruiting new businesses, creatively converting unused space for new uses, and sharpening the competitiveness of Main Street’s traditional merchants are examples of economic restructuring activities

Edmund Gunter invented the cross bow quadrant, also called the mariner's bow, around 1623.[4] It gets its name from the similarity to the archer's crossbow.
This instrument is interesting in that the arc is 120° but is only graduated as a 90° arc.[4] As such, the angular spacing of a degree on the arc is slightly greater than one degree. Examples of the instrument can be found with a 0° to 90° graduation or with two mirrored 0° to 45° segments centred on the midpoint of the arc.[4]
The instrument has three vanes, a horizon vane (A in Figure 8) which has an opening in it to observe the horizon, a shadow vane (B) to cast a shadow on the horizon vane and a sighting vane (C) that the navigator uses to view the horizon and shadow at the horizon vane. This serves to ensure the instrument is level while simultaneously measuring the altitude of the sun. The altitude is the difference in the angular positions of the shadow and sighting vanes.
With some versions of this instrument, the sun's declination for each day of the year was marked on the arc. This permitted the navigator to set the shadow vane to the date and the instrument would read the altitude directly.

Gunter's quadrant is an instrument made of wood, brass or other substance, containing a kind of stereographic projection of the sphere on the plane of the equinoctial, the eye being supposed to be placed in one of the poles, so that the tropic, ecliptic, and horizon form the arcs of circles, but the hour circles are other curves, drawn by means of several altitudes of the sun for some particular latitude every year. This instrument is used to find the hour of the day, the sun's azimuth, etc., and other common problems of the sphere or globe, and also to take the altitude of an object in degrees.
A rare Gunter quadrant, made by Henry Sutton and dated 1657, can be described as follows: It is a conveniently sized and high-performance instrument that has two pin-hole sights, and the plumb line is inserted at the vertex. The front side is designed as a Gunter quadrant and the rear side as a trigonometric quadrant. The side with the astrolabe has hour lines, a calendar, zodiacs, star positions, astrolabe projections, and a vertical dial. The side with the geometric quadrants features several trigonometric functions, rules, a shadow quadrant, and the chorden line.[9]

A treatise explaining the importance of the astrolabe by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, Persian scientist.
In this treatise he teaches how to create an astrolabe usijg 16 squares. He 16 squares is the quadrant model form

  1. The sine quadrant (Arabic: Rubul Mujayyab) - also known as the "Sinecal Quadrant" – was used for solving trigonometric problems and taking astronomical observations. It was developed by al-Khwarizmi in 9th century Baghdad and prevalent until the nineteenth century. Its defining feature is a graph-paper like grid on one side that is divided into sixty equal intervals on each axis and is also bounded by a 90 degree graduated arc. A cord was attached to the apex of the quadrant with a bead, for calculation, and a plumb bob. They were also sometimes drawn on the back of astrolabes.

  2. The universal (shakkāzīya) quadrant – used for solving astronomical problems for any latitude: These quadrants had either one or two sets of shakkāzīya grids and were developed in the fourteenth century in Syria. Some astrolabes are also printed on the back with the universal quadrant like an astrolabe created by Ibn al-Sarrāj.

  3. The horary quadrant – used for finding the time with the sun: The horary quadrant could be used to find the time either in equal or unequal (length of the day divided by twelve) hours. Different sets of markings were created for either equal or unequal hours. For measuring the time in equal hours, the horary quadrant could only be used for one specific latitude while a quadrant for unequal hours could be used anywhere based on an approximate formula. One edge of the quadrant had to be aligned with the sun, and once aligned, a bead on the plumbline attached to the centre of the quadrant showed the time of the day. An example exists dated 1396, from European sources (Richard II of England).[4] The oldest horary quadrant was found during an excavation in 2013 in the Hanseatic town of Zutphen (Netherlands) and is dated ca. 1300 and is in the local Stedelijk Museum in Zutphen.).[5]

  4. The astrolabe/almucantar quadrant – a quadrant developed from the astrolabe: This quadrant was marked with one half of a typical astrolabe plate as astrolabe plates are symmetrical. A cord attached from the centre of the quadrant with a bead at the other end was moved to represent the position of a celestial body (sun or a star). The ecliptic and star positions were marked on the quadrant for the above. It is not known where and when the astrolabe quadrant was invented, existent astrolabe quadrants are either of Ottoman or Mamluk origin, while there have been discovered twelfth century Egyptian and fourteenth century Syrian treatises on the astrolabe quadrant. These quadrants proved to be very popular alternatives to astrolabes.

The sine quadrant (Arabic: Rub‘ul mujayyab, الربع المجيب) was a type of quadrant used by medieval Arabic astronomers. It is also known as a "sinecal quadrant" in the English-speaking world. The instrument could be used to measure celestial angles, to tell time, to find directions, or to determine the apparent positions of any celestial object for any time. The name is derived from the Arabic "rub‘‘‘" meaning a quarter and "mujayyab" meaning marked with sine.[1] It was described, according to King, by Muhammad ibn Mūsā al-Khwārizmī in 9th century Baghdad.

Captain John Davis invented a version of the backstaff in 1594. Davis was a navigator who was quite familiar with the instruments of the day such as the mariner's astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. He recognized the inherent drawbacks of each and endeavoured to create a new instrument that could reduce those problems and increase the ease and accuracy of obtaining solar elevations.

One early version of the quadrant staff is shown in Figure 1.[3] It had an arc affixed to a staff so that it could slide along the staff (the shape is not critical, though the curved shape was chosen). The arc (A) was placed so that it would cast its shadow on the horizon vane (B). The navigator would look along the staff and observe the horizon through a slit in the horizon vane. By sliding the arc so that the shadow aligned with the horizon, the angle of the sun could be read on the graduated staff. This was a simple quadrant, but it was not as accurate as one might like. The accuracy in the instrument is dependent on the length of the staff, but a long staff made the instrument more unwieldy. The maximum altitude that could be measured with this instrument was 45°.

The next version of his quadrant is shown in Figure 2.[3] The arc on the top of the instrument in the previous version was replaced with a shadow vane placed on a transom. This transom could be moved along a graduated scale to indicate the angle of the shadow above the staff. Below the staff, a 30° arc was added. The horizon, seen through the horizon vane on the left, is aligned with the shadow. The sighting vane on the arc is moved until it aligns with the view of the horizon. The angle measured is the sum of the angle indicated by the position of the transom and the angle measured on the scale on the arc.

The instrument that is now identified with Davis is shown in Figure 3.[4] This form evolved by the mid-17th century.[4] The quadrant arc has been split into two parts. The smaller radius arc, with a span of 60°, was mounted above the staff. The longer radius arc, with a span of 30° was mounted below. Both arcs have a common centre. At the common centre, a slotted horizon vane was mounted (B). A moveable shadow vane was placed on the upper arc so that its shadow was cast on the horizon vane. A moveable sight vane was mounted on the lower arc (C).

It is easier for a person to place a vane at a specific location than to read the arc at an arbitrary position. This is due to Vernier acuity, the ability of a person to align two line segments accurately. Thus an arc with a small radius, marked with relatively few graduations, can be used to place the shadow vane accurately at a specific angle. On the other hand, moving the sight vane to the location where the line to the horizon meets the shadow requires a large arc. This is because the position may be at a fraction of a degree and a large arc allows one to read smaller graduations with greater accuracy. The large arc of the instrument, in later years, was marked with transversals to allow the arc to be read to greater accuracy than the main graduations allow.[5]

Thus Davis was able to optimize the construction of the quadrant to have both a small and a large arc, allowing the effective accuracy of a single arc quadrant of large radius without making the entire instrument so large. This form of the instrument became synonymous with the backstaff. It was one of the most widely used forms of the backstaff. Continental European navigators called it the English Quadrant.

A later modification of the Davis quadrant was to use a Flamsteed glass in place of the shadow vane; this was suggested by John Flamsteed.[4] This placed a lens on the vane that projected an image of the sun on the horizon vane instead of a shadow. It was useful under conditions where the sky was hazy or lightly overcast; the dim image of the sun was shown more brightly on the horizon vane where a shadow could not be seen.[5]

The term Jacob's staff, also cross-staff, a ballastella, a fore-staff, or a balestilha, is used to refer to several things. This can lead to considerable confusion unless one clarifies the purpose for which the object was named. In its most basic form, a Jacob's staff is a stick or pole with length markings; most staffs are much more complicated than that, and usually contain a number of measurement and stabilization features. The two most frequent uses are:
in astronomy and navigation for a simple device to measure angles, later replaced by the more precise sextants;
in surveying (and scientific fields that use surveying techniques, such as geology and ecology) for a vertical rod that penetrates or sits on the ground and supports a compass or other instrument.
The simplest use of a Jacob's staff is to make qualitative judgements of the height and angle of an object relative to the user of the staff.
The term Jacob's staff, also cross-staff, a ballastella, a fore-staff, or a balestilha, is used to refer to several things. This can lead to considerable confusion unless one clarifies the purpose for which the object was named. In its most basic form, a Jacob's staff is a stick or pole with length markings; most staffs are much more complicated than that, and usually contain a number of measurement and stabilization features. The two most frequent uses are:
in astronomy and navigation for a simple device to measure angles, later replaced by the more precise sextants;
in surveying (and scientific fields that use surveying techniques, such as geology and ecology) for a vertical rod that penetrates or sits on the ground and supports a compass or other instrument.
The simplest use of a Jacob's staff is to make qualitative judgements of the height and angle of an object relative to the user of the staff.
In the original form of the cross-staff, the pole or main staff was marked with graduations for length. The cross-piece (BC in the drawing to the right), also called the transom or transversal, slides up and down on the main staff. On older instruments, the ends of the transom were cut straight across. Newer instruments had brass fittings on the ends with holes in the brass for observation. In marine archaeology, these fittings are often the only components of a cross-staff that survive.[11]
It was common to provide several transoms, each with a different range of angles it would measure. Three transoms were common. In later instruments, separate transoms were switched in favour of a single transom with pegs to indicate the ends. These pegs mounted in one of several pairs of holes symmetrically located on either side of the transom. This provided the same capability with fewer parts.[8] The transom on Frisius' version had a sliding vane on the transom as an end point.[8]
Usage Edit
The navigator places one end of the main staff against his cheek just below his eye. He sights the horizon at the end of the lower part of the transom (or through the hole in the brass fitting) (B), adjusting the cross arm on the main arm until the sun is at the other end of the transom (C). The altitude can then be determined by reading the position of the transom on the scale on the main staff. This value was converted to an angular measurement by looking up the value in a table.
Cross-staff for navigation Edit
The original version was not reported to be used at sea, until the Age of Discoveries. Its use was reported by João de Lisboa in his Treatise on the Nautical Needle of 1514.[12] Johannes Werner suggested the cross-staff be used at sea in 1514[8] and improved instruments were introduced for use in navigation. John Dee introduced it to England in the 1550s.[1] In the improved versions, the rod was graduated directly in degrees. This variant of the instrument is not correctly termed a Jacob's staff but is a cross-staff.[6]
The cross-staff was difficult to use. In order to get consistent results, the observer had to position the end of the pole precisely against his cheek. He had to observe the horizon and a star in two different directions while not moving the instrument when he shifted his gaze from one to the other. In addition, observations of the sun required the navigator to look directly at the sun. This could be a painful exercise and made it difficult to obtain an accurate altitude for the sun. Mariners took to mounting smoked-glass to the ends of the transoms to reduce the glare of the sun.[8][13]
As a navigational tool, this instrument was eventually replaced, first by the backstaff or quadrant, neither of which required the user to stare directly into the sun, and later by the octant and the sextant. Perhaps influenced by the backstaff, some navigators modified the cross-staff to operate more like the former. Vanes were added to the ends of the longest cross-piece and another to the end of the main staff. The instrument was reversed so that the shadow of the upper vane on the cross piece fell on the vane at the end of the staff. The navigator held the instrument so that he would view the horizon lined up with the lower vane and the vane at the end of the staff. By aligning the horizon with the shadow of the sun on the vane at the end of the staff, the elevation of the sun could be determined.[14] This actually increased the accuracy of the instrument, as the navigator no longer had to position the end of the staff precisely on his cheek.
Another variant of the cross-staff was a spiegelboog, invented in 1660 by the Dutchman, Joost van Breen.
Ultimately, the cross-staff could not compete with the backstaff in many countries. In terms of handling, the backstaff was found to be more easy to use.[15] However, it has been proven by several authors that in terms of accuracy, the cross-staff was superior to the backstaff.[16] Backstaves were no longer allowed on board Dutch East India Company vessels as per 1731, with octants not permitted until 1748.[16]
In surveying the Jacob's staff, contemporaneously referred to as a jacob staff, is a single straight rod or staff made of nonferrous material, pointed and metal-clad at the bottom for penetrating the ground.[17] It also has a screw base and occasionally a ball joint on the mount, and is used for supporting a compass, transit, or other instrument.[18]
The term cross-staff may also have a different meaning in the history of surveying. While the astronomical cross-staff was used in surveying for measuring angles, two other devices referred to as a cross-staff were also employed.[19]
Cross-head, cross-sight, surveyor's cross or cross - a drum or box shaped device mounted on a pole. It had two sets of mutually perpendicular sights. This device was used by surveyors to measure offsets. Sophisticated versions had a compass and spirit levels on the top. The French versions were frequently eight-sided rather than round.[19]
Optical square - an improved version of the cross-head, the optical square used two mirrors at 45° to each other. This permitted the surveyor to see along both axes of the instrument at once.
Use of the Jacob's Staff as a support Edit
In the past, many surveyor's instruments were used on a Jacob's staff. These include:
Cross-head, cross-sight, surveyor's cross or cross
Holland circle
Miner's dial
Optical square
Surveyor's Sextant
Surveyor's target
Abney level
Some devices, such as the modern optical targets for laser-based surveying, are still in common use on a Jacob's staff.

Tycho Brahe's mural quadrant
A mural instrument is an angle measuring device mounted on or built into a wall. For astronomical purposes, these walls were oriented so they lie precisely on the meridian. A mural instrument that measured angles from 0 to 90 degrees was called a mural quadrant.
Many older mural quadrants have been constructed by marking directly on the wall surfaces. More recent instruments were made with a frame that was constructed with precision and mounted permanently on the wall.
The arc is marked with divisions, almost always in degrees and fractions of a degree. In the oldest instruments, an indicator is placed at the centre of the arc. An observer can move a device with a second indicator along the arc until the line of sight from the movable device's indicator through the indicator at the centre of the arc aligns with the astronomical object. The angle is then read, yielding the elevation or altitude of the object. In smaller instruments, an alidade could be used. More modern mural instruments would use a telescope with a reticle eyepiece to observe the object.
Many mural quadrants were constructed, giving the observer the ability to measure a full 90° range of elevation. There were also mural sextants that read 60°.
In order to measure the position of, for example, a star, the observer needs a sidereal clock in addition to the mural instrument. With the clock measuring time, a star of interest is observed with the instrument until it crosses an indicator showing that it is transiting the meridian. At this instant, the time on the clock is recorded as well as the angular elevation of the star. This yields the position in the coordinates of the instrument. If the instrument's arc is not marked relative to the celestial equator, then the elevation is corrected for the difference, resulting in the star's declination. If the sidereal clock is precisely synchronized with the stars, the time yields the right ascension directly.[1]
Famous mural instruments

Jeffrey K. Hadden sees four distinct classes of opposition to "cults":[13]

  1. Opposition grounded on Religion

    • Opposition usually defined in theological terms.

    • Cults considered heretical.

    • Endeavors to expose the heresy and correct the beliefs of those who have strayed from a truth.

    • Prefers metaphors of deception rather than possession.

    • Serves two important functions:

      • protects members (especially youth) from heresy, and

      • increases solidarity among the faithful.

  2. Secular opposition

    • Regards individual autonomy as the manifest goal – achieved by getting people out of groups using mind control and deceptive proselytization.

    • Regards the struggle as an issue of control rather than theology.

    • Organizes around families of children currently or previously involved in a cult.

    • Has the unannounced goal of disabling or destroying NRMs organizationally.

  3. Apostates

    • Former members who consider themselves egregiously wronged by a cult, often with the coordination and encouragement of anti-cult groups.

  4. Entrepreneurial opposition

    • A few "entrepreneurs" who have made careers of organizing opposition groups.

    • Broadcasters, journalists, and lawyers who base a reputation or career on anti-cult activities​

  5. The anti-cult movement might be divided into four classes:

  6. secular counter-cult groups;

  7. Christian evangelical counter-cult groups;

  8. groups formed to counter a specific cult; and

  9. organizations that offer some form of exit counseling.[10]

Four Peaks (Yavapai: Wi:khoba[3]) is a prominent landmark on the eastern skyline of Phoenix. Part of the Mazatzal Mountains, it is located in the Tonto National Forest 40 miles (64 km) east-northeast of Phoenix, in the 61,074-acre (247.16 km2) Four Peaks Wilderness.[4] On rare occasions, Four Peaks offers much of the Phoenix metro area a view of snow-covered peaks, and is the highest point in Maricopa County. Four Peaks contains an amethyst mine that produces top-grade amethy...

An elevator control panel in a residential apartment building in Shanghai with floor numbers 4, 13 and 14 missing. Floor 4 is missing because of the very similar pronunciation of "four" and "death" in Mandarin Chinese. Floor 13 is missing for many reasons. Floor 14 is missing because 4 is included in 14. Note that there is a "negative first" floor.

Similarly, 142442, etc. are also to be avoided due to the presence of the digit 4 in these numbers. In these countries, these floor numbers are often skipped in buildings, ranging from hotels to offices to apartments, as well as hospitals. Table number 4, 14, 24, 42, etc. are also often left out in wedding dinners or other social gatherings in these countries. In many residential complexes, building block 4, 14, 24 etc. are either omitted or replaced with block 3A, 13A, and 23A. Hospitals are of grave concern and the number 4 is regularly avoided altogether. Tetraphobia can dictate property prices. Neighborhoods have removed four from their street names and become more profitable as a result.[citation needed] In the same way, buildings with multiple fours can suffer price cuts of up to $30,000–50,000.[citation needed] Four is also avoided in phone numbers, security numbers, business cards, addresses, ID numbers, and other numbers and are considered severe as they are personally attached to the person. Giving such numbers to Asian persons is considered extremely offensive and even grounds for law enforcement involvement or legal retaliation due to it being easily seen as a death threat and has been used as such by gangs, organised crime groups, and murderers.[citation needed]

The software platform Symbian, used by Finnish telecommunications firm Nokia in their Series 60 platform, avoids releases beginning with 4, as it did when it was EPOC and owned by Psion (there was no Psion Series 4, and there was no 4th edition of S60). This was done "as a polite gesture to Asian customers".[10][11] Similarly, Nokia did not release any products under the 4xxx series, although some of Nokia's other products do contain the number 4, such as the Series 40 platform, and the Nokia 3410.

Because of the significant population of Chinese and influence of Chinese culture in Southeast Asia, 4 is also considered to be unlucky.

In buildings of Malaysia and Singapore, where Chinese are significant in population with 25% of Malaysians and 75% of Singaporeans being Chinese, the floor number 4 is occasionally skipped.

Singaporean public transport operator SBS Transit has omitted the number plates for some of its buses whose numbers end with '4' due to this, so if a bus is registered as SBS***3*, SBS***4* will be omitted and the next bus to be registered will be SBS***5*[citation needed]. Note that this only applies to certain buses and not others and that the final asterisk is a checksum letter and not a number. Another Singaporean public transport operator SMRT has omitted the '4' as the first digit of the serial number of the train cars as well as the SMRT Buses NightRider services[citation needed].

Like Hong Kong, buildings of Singapore also skip the number 13 as Singapore is also a place where Eastern and Western cultures blend[citation needed].

The Grand Indonesia shopping centre in Jakarta replaced their 4th level with 3A.

In Vietnam, the Sino-Vietnamese words for "four" (tứ) is used more in formal context than in everyday life and its spoken sound is clearly different from word for "death" (tử). The Chữ nôm word "bốn" equivalent to word "tứ" is often used, therefore the number 4 is rarely avoided. Even so, in the past Vietnamese people often named their children "tư" or "tứ", which means "the fourth child born in family".

In South Korea, tetraphobia is less extreme, but the floor number 4 is almost always skipped in hospitals and similar public buildings. In other buildings, the fourth floor is sometimes labelled "F" (Four) instead of "4" in elevators. Apartment numbers containing multiple occurrences of the number 4 (such as 404) are likely to be avoided to an extent that the value of the property is adversely affected. The national railroad, Korail, left out the locomotive number 4444 when numbering a locomotive class from 4401 upwards.

Chinese is a tonal language with a comparatively small inventory of permitted syllables, resulting in an exceptionally large number of homophone words. Many of the numbers are homophones or near-homophones of other words and have therefore acquired superstitious meanings.

The Chinese avoid phone numbers and addresses with fours, especially when they’re combined with another number that changes the meaning. Example: “94” could be interpreted as being dead for a long time.

The Chinese government does not display tetraphobia by having military designations for People's Liberation Army with the number 4, for example, Dongfeng-4 ICBM, Type 094 Nuclear Submarine, Type 054A Frigate, etc. However some speculate that it does for aircraft (just as the United States generally skips the number 13 for their aircraft), seeing that it begins aircraft and engine destination with 5.[5] But the Taiwanese and the South Korean navies do not use the number 4 when assigning Pennant numbers to their ships.

In Taiwan, the number 4 is banned in license plates and can only be used once in ID numbers (although even once, it is strongly avoided whatever possible).

In Hong Kong, some apartments such as Vision City[6] and The Arch[7] skip all the floors from 40 to 49, which is the entire 40's. Immediately above the 39th floor is the 50th floor, leading many who are not aware of tetraphobia to believe that some floors are missing. Tetraphobia is not the main reason, but rather as an excuse to have apartments with 'higher' floors, thus increasing price, because higher floors in Hong Kong apartments are usually more expensive (see 39 Conduit Road). In Cantonese-speaking regions in China, 14 and 24 are considered more unlucky than the individual 4, since 14 sounds like "will certainly die" (實死), and 24 like "easy to die" (易死). While in Mandarin-speaking regions in China, 14 and 74 are considered more unlucky than the individual 4, since 14 sounds like "wants to die" (要死) and 74 like "will certainly die" or "will die in anger" (氣死).

Where East Asian and Western cultures blend, such as in Hong Kong, it is possible in some buildings that both the thirteenth floor and the fourteenth floor are skipped, causing the twelfth floor to precede the fifteenth floor, along with all the other 4s. Thus a building whose top floor is numbered 100 would in fact have just seventy-nine floors.

When Beijing lost its bid to stage the 2000 Olympic Games, it was speculated that the reason China did not pursue a bid for the following 2004 Games was due to the unpopularity of the number 4 in China. Instead, the city waited another four years, and would eventually host the 2008 Olympic Games, the number eight being a lucky number in Chinese culture.

In Japan, many apartment houses and parking lots skip 4. Many hotels skip the 13th floor, similar to some western hotels. There is also much wordplay involved such as 24 can become nishi, aka double death (ニ死) 42 can become shini, aka “death” or “to death” (死に) 43 can become shisan which sounds like shizan, aka stillbirth (死産) 45 can be shigo, or “after death” (死後). 9 is also skipped, especially hospitals, due to the sound "ku" being associated with the word "to suffer" (「苦しむ」 "kurushimu"?). 49 is considered to be an especially unlucky number as it is evocative of the phrase "To suffer until death." (「死ぬまで苦しむ。」 "Shinu made kurushimu."?)

Some numerologists believe that events linked to the time 11:11 appear more often than can be explained by chanceor coincidence.[1] This belief is related to the concept of synchronicity. Some authors claim that seeing 11:11 on a clock is an auspicious sign.[citation needed] Others claim that 11:11 signals a spirit presence.[2][3] The belief that the time 11:11 has mystical powers has been adopted by believers in New Age philosophies.[4] However, skeptics say that Uri Geller's examples of 11:11 phenomena in world events are examples of post-hoc reasoning[5] and confirmation bias.[6]


A school timetable is a table for coordinating these four elements:





Time slots (also called periods)

In Japan, many apartment houses and parking lots skip 4. Many hotels skip the 13th floor, similar to some western hotels. There is also much wordplay involved such as 24 can become nishi, aka double death (ニ死) 42 can become shini, aka “death” or “to death” (死に) 43 can become shisan which sounds like shizan, aka stillbirth (死産) 45 can be shigo, or “after death” (死後). 9 is also skipped, especially hospitals, due to the sound "ku" being associated with the word "to suffer" (「苦しむ」 "kurushimu"?). 49 is considered to be an especially unlucky number as it is evocative of the phrase "To suffer until death." (「死ぬまで苦しむ。」 "Shinu made kurushimu."?)

Tetraphobia (from Greek τετράς - tetras, "four"[1] and φόβος - phobos, "fear"[2]) is the practice of avoiding instances of the number 4. It is a superstition most common in East Asian and Southeast Asian regions such as China, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia, Japan, Korea and Vietnam.

A four-day week is an arrangement where a workplace or school has its employees or students work or attend school over the course of four days rather than the more customary five.[1] This arrangement can be a part of flexible working hours, and is sometimes used to cut costs.







A '4x4' is a quatrain of four words having any number of syllables, and with a rhyme scheme aabb to evoke a picture of cause and effect, problem and result, or parallel ideas.


"Big Four" brotherhoods[edit]


July 1895 issue of Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers Journal, the monthly magazine of the BLE.

Originating as fraternal benefit societies to provide life insurance, sickness benefits, and social interaction for their members, the so-called "Big Four" railroad brotherhoods gradually evolved into trade unions dealing with wages, hours, and safety standards. As the importance of the railway sector to the American economy grew during the last years of the 19th Century and first decades of the 20th Century, these emerged as among the most powerful group of unions in the United States.[1] In the summer of 1916 the joint threat of the so-called "Big Four" brotherhoods to launch a national railroad strike moved President Woodrow Wilson and the United States Congress to pass the Adamson Act, granting an 8-hour working day to American railway workers.[1]


Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers (BLE) — The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers was founded in 1863 as the "Brotherhood of the Footboard" to represent the prestigious and relatively well compensated locomotive engineers. The organization was not part of the American Federation of Labor and was governed by conventions of elected delegates held every three years.[2] The brotherhood was financially prosperous and initiated a network of labor banks based in Cleveland, Ohio to better marshal the assets of itself and its members.[2] The BLE published a monthly magazine for its members, Locomotive Engineers' Journal.[2]

Order of Railway Conductors of America (ORC) — The ORC was established in 1868 in Amboy, Illinois as the "Conductors Union."[3] The ORC represented the interests of train conductors, whose job function approximated that of an ocean ship captain and were consequently the most prestigious and highly compensated railway workers of their era. The ORC was governed by conventions held every three years and was not part of the American Federation of Labor.[4] In later years membership in the union was opened up to railway brakemen and the name of the union was changed to the "Order of Railway Conductors and Brakemen" (ORC&B).[3] In 1969 the ORC&B merged with the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, and the Switchmen's Union of North America to form the "United Transportation Union" (UTU).[5]

Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen (B of LF&E) — The "Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen" was established in 1873 to provide insurance, social benefits, and fraternal association for locomotive firemen, individuals who rode in the locomotive with the train operator and who were primarily charged with stoking the engine with coal or other combustible material to maintain the steam needed for propulsion. Over time these individuals were frequently promoted to higher paid positions as engine drivers, while still seeking to maintain membership in the old brotherhood.[6] This prompted a change of name for the organization to "Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen" (B of LF&E) in 1907.[6] The B of LF was not affiliated with the American Federation of Labor.[7] It published a monthly magazine for its members, Locomotive Firemen's Magazine. In 1969 the B of LF&E merged with the Order of Railway Conductors and Brakemen, the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, and the Switchmen's Union of North America to form the "United Transportation Union" (UTU).[5]

Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen (BRT) — Founded in 1883, by the 1920s the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen emerged as one of the largest American railway brotherhoods, with a membership of approximately 180,000 in 1925.[8] The brotherhood included among its members freight handlers as well as other classes of railroad employees and periodically had jurisdictional disputes over coverage of its members with the Order of Railway Conductors.[8] In 1969 the BRT merged with the Order of Railway Conductors and Brakemen, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers, and the Switchmen's Union of North America to form the "United Transportation Union" (UTU).[5]

Big Four

The Big Four was a group of four American merchants—Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis P. Huntington, and Charles Crocker—who created the Central Pacific Railroad company. The Big Four founded the Central Pacific in 1861 and were responsible for building part of the first American transcontinental line. They invested some of their own money in the project but obtained most of the capital from public sources. Stanford represented the company in the West and Huntington in the East. Construction of the rail began in Sacramento, California, in 1863. The Central Pacific met the Union Pacific at Promontory, Utah, in May 1869. After completion of the transcontinental line, the Big Four organized the Southern Pacific Railroad system, which reached south to Arizona in 1877. It was eventually connected with other railroads to serve fifteen states in the West.


Commissioner Thomas F. McBride, in presenting findings by the commission staff, said that "the big four" unions controlled by the Mafia are the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the Laborers International Union, the Hotel and Restaurant Employees and Bartenders International Union and The International Longshoremen's Assn.

Strong Mob Ties to 4 Big Unions Charged : U.S. Lacks Strategy to Attack Issue, President's Crime Panel Says

March 07, 1986|RONALD J. OSTROW | Times Staff Writer

WASHINGTON — Despite a widely praised FBI investigation and other crackdown attempts, four major international unions remain dominated or influenced by organized crime, the President's Commission on Organized Crime charged Thursday in a report buttressed by evidence gleaned from wiretaps.

four men died in the Ford massacre

During the stormy meeting of the Central Committee, Zhukov - a man of immense prestige given his role in the war and his reputation of fearlessness even in the face of Stalin's anger - delivered a bitter denunciation of the plotters, accusing them of having blood on their hands over Stalin's atrocities. He went further still saying that he had the military power to crush them even if they did win the vote and implied he would be able to have them all killed, but the triumphant Khrushchev rejected any such move.

Malenkov, Molotov, Kaganovich and Shepilov - the only four names made public - were vilified in the press and deposed from their positions in party and government. They were given relatively unimportant positions:

  • Molotov was sent as ambassador to Mongolia

  • Malenkov became director of a hydroelectric plant in Kazakhstan

  • Kaganovich became director of a small potash works in the Urals

  • Shepilov became head of the Economics Institute of the local Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyzstan


The Ford Hunger March, sometimes called the Ford Massacre, was a demonstration of unemployed workers starting in Detroit and ending in Dearborn, Michigan, that took place on March 7, 1932. The march resulted in four workers being shot to death by the Dearborn Police Department and security guards employed by the Ford Motor Company. Over 60 workers were injured, many by gunshot wounds. Three months later, a fifth worker died of his injuries. The march was organized by the Unemployed Councils. The Ford Hunger March was an important part of a chain of events that eventually led to the unionization of the U.S. auto industry.


According to Maurice Sugar, attorney for their families, all four of those killed on March 7 were members of the Young Communist League, USA.[6]


On March 12, at least 25,000 and perhaps as many as 60,000 people participated in a funeral procession for the four dead marchers, who were buried side by side in Woodmere Cemetery in Detroit.[12] The slogan of the funeral march was "Smash the Ford-Murphy Terror".[13]

In the struggle between Hua Guofeng's and Deng Xiaoping's followers, a new term emerged,[citation needed] pointing to Hua's four closest collaborators, Wang Dongxing, Wu De, Ji Dengkui and Chen Xilian.[citation needed] In 1980, they were charged with "grave errors" in the struggle against the Gang of Four and demoted from the Political Bureau to mere Central Committee membership.
"New Gang of Four"
In the Xi Jinping era, some commentators and political observers have dubbed the loose political grouping of former security chief Zhou Yongkang, former Central Military Commission Vice-Chairman Xu Caihou, former Chongqing party chief Bo Xilai, and former General Office chief Ling Jihua as the "New Gang of Four".[6] All four were investigated for corruption-related offences between 2012 and 2014. Apart from sharing the name of the historical Gang of Four, the two "Gangs" had little in common, as whether the new "Gang" truly had a coherent set of shared political interests was not clear.

The Gang of Four (simplified Chinese: 四人帮; traditional Chinese: 四人幫; pinyin: Sìrén bāng) was a political faction composed of four Chinese Communist Party officials. They came to prominence during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) and were later charged with a series of treasonous crimes. The gang's leading figure was Mao Zedong's last wife Jiang Qing. The other members were Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen.
The Gang of Four controlled the power organs of the Communist Party of China through the later stages of the Cultural Revolution, although it remains unclear which major decisions were made by Mao Zedong and carried out by the Gang, and which were the result of the Gang of Four's own planning.
The Gang of Four, together with disgraced general Lin Biao, were labeled the two major "counter-revolutionary forces" of the Cultural Revolution and officially blamed by the Chinese government for the worst excesses of the societal chaos that ensued during the ten years of turmoil. Their downfall on October 6, 1976, a mere month after Mao's death, brought about major celebrations on the streets of Beijing and marked the end of a turbulent political era in China.
I discussed that the reason why Asians are communist is because in the quadrant model communism is the first square political orientation and Asians are the first square race.


Are the Big Three automakers now the Big Four?

After a record setting quarter, Tesla is now a more valuable company than Ford





Big Three Could Become Big Four as Tesla Motors Gains Recognition From General Motors


“The emergence of Tesla Motors as America’s fourth domestic automaker — a feat once viewed by the Detroit Three as practically implausible — poses a threat to the industry’s entrenched mind-set.”

With the addition of Tesla to the ranks of admired US automaker, we now have the Big Four.


Big Three to become Big Four with the established US automakers (GM, Ford and Chrysler) allowing Tesla to join the ranks? It could happen, right?


Upwords (also branded as Scrabble Upwords in the United States and Canada, and Topwords Crucimaster, Betutorony, Palabras Arriba, Stapelwoord in other countries) is a board game invented by Elliot Rudell[2] and originally published by the Milton Bradley Company, now a division of Hasbro. The game remains under license to Hasbro by Rudell Design, LLC. Upwords is similar to Scrabble, or Words With Friends, in that players build words using letter tiles on a gridded gameboard. The point of difference is that in Upwords letters can be stacked on top of other letters already on the gameboard to create new words.[3] The higher the stack of letters, the more points are scored. This typically makes words built in later turns of the game more valuable than earlier words, increasing play intensity and adding a level of strategy unique to Upwords. The memorization of two-letter words is considered a useful skill in this game.[4]


Mathematical puzzles[edit]

The problem of determining if a partially filled square can be completed to form a Latin square is NP-complete.[10]

The popular Sudoku puzzles are a special case of Latin squares; any solution to a Sudoku puzzle is a Latin square.

Sudoku imposes the additional restriction that nine particular 3×3 adjacent subsquares must also contain the digits 1–9 (in the standard version). The more recent KenKen puzzles are also examples of Latin squares.


Puzzles constructed from more than two grids are also common. Five 9×9 grids that overlap at the corner regions in the shape of a quincunx is known in Japan as Gattai 5 (five merged) Sudoku. In The Times, The Age, and The Sydney Morning Herald, this form of puzzle is known as Samurai SuDoku. The Baltimore Sunand the Toronto Star publish a puzzle of this variant (titled High Five) in their Sunday edition. Often, no givens are placed in the overlapping regions. Sequential grids, as opposed to overlapping, are also published, with values in specific locations in grids needing to be transferred to others.

According to Charles Handy’s model, there are four types of culture which the organizations follow:

Let us understand them in detail:



There are some organizations where the power remains in the hands of only few people and only they are authorized to take decisions. They are the ones who enjoy special privileges at the workplace. They are the most important people at the workplace and are the major decision makers. These individuals further delegate responsibilities to the other employees. In such a culture the subordinates have no option but to strictly follow their superior’s instructions. The employees do not have the liberty to express their views or share their ideas on an open forum and have to follow what their superior says. The managers in such a type of culture sometimes can be partial to someone or the other leading to major unrest among others.


Task Culture

Organizations where teams are formed to achieve the targets or solve critical problems follow the task culture. In such organizations individuals with common interests and specializations come together to form a team. There are generally four to five members in each team. In such a culture every team member has to contribute equally and accomplish tasks in the most innovative way.


Person Culture

There are certain organizations where the employees feel that they are more important than their organization. Such organizations follow a culture known as person culture. In a person culture, individuals are more concerned about their own self rather than the organization. The organization in such a culture takes a back seat and eventually suffers. Employees just come to the office for the sake of money and never get attached to it. They are seldom loyal towards the management and never decide in favour of the organization. One should always remember that organization comes first and everything else later.


Role culture

Role culture is a culture where every employee is delegated roles and responsibilities according to his specialization, educational qualification and interest to extract the best out of him. In such a culture employees decide what best they can do and willingly accept the challenge. Every individual is accountable for something or the other and has to take ownership of the work assigned to him. Power comes with responsibility in such a work culture.

The (nicely short) book includes an interesting model based on one lifted from William Scneider's The Reengineering Alternative: A Plan for Making Your Current Culture Work). This maps four distinct organisational culture types against a two-by-two matrix which positions people vs company oriented businesses on the horizontal axis against reality vs possibility oriented companies on the vertical.


Hofstede developed his original model as a result of using factor analysis to examine the results of a world-wide survey of employee values by IBM between 1967 and 1973. It has been refined since. The original theory proposed four dimensions along which cultural values could be analyzed: individualism-collectivism; uncertainty avoidance; power distance (strength of social hierarchy) and masculinity-femininity (task orientation versus person-orientation)


This initial analysis identified systematic differences in national cultures on four primary dimensions: power distance (PDI), individualism (IDV), uncertainty avoidance (UAI) and masculinity (MAS), which are described below. As Hofstede explains on his academic website,[3] these dimensions regard "four anthropological problem areas that different national societies handle differently: ways of coping with inequality, ways of coping with uncertainty, the relationship of the individual with her or his primary group, and the emotional implications of having been born as a girl or as a boy ". In 1984 he published Culture's Consequences,[4] a book which combines the statistical analysis from the survey research with his personal experiences.


Using research data from a multinational company (IBM) with subsidiaries in more than 60 countries, he identified four largely independent dimensions: Power Distance (large versus small), Uncertainty Avoidance (strong versus weak), Individualism versus Collectivism and Masculinity versus Femininity. The relative positions of 40 countries on these four dimensions were expressed in a score on a 0-100 point scale. Replications by Hofstede and other researchers have extended the number of countries covered to 76.



Specifically, La Belle asked nonprofit executive directors/chief executive officers (and others in equivalent roles) to assess their skills on four dimensions: Collaborate, Create, Control, and Compete (see below). Within these quadrants, leaders were asked to score themselves in 12 managerial roles. For instance, in the Collaborate quadrant, leaders were asked how strong they felt they were as facilitators, mentors, and empathizers; in the Control quadrant, leaders assessed their skills as regulators, monitors, and coordinators. How they perceived their strengths and weaknesses defined their behavioral repertoire: leaders with average scores across all roles were noted as behaviorally balanced; leaders with higher than average were noted as behaviorally complex. Those leaders who assessed themselves highest were considered better prepared to effectively to address the varied responsibilities and situations involved in running a nonprofit organization.

Ethical frameworks and evaluations of corporate culture[edit]

Four organizational cultures can be classified as apathetic, caring, exacting, and integrative.

An apathetic culture shows minimal concern for either people or performance.

A caring culture exhibits high concern for people but minimal concern for performance issues.

An exacting culture shows little concern for people but a high concern for performance.

An integrative culture combines a high concern for people and performance.


Norms that reflect expectations for members to interact with people in ways that will not threaten their own security are in the Passive/Defensive Cluster.


The four Passive/Defensive cultural norms are:







Deal and Kennedy present these factors in a 2 x 2 matrix that identifies the four culture types, as shown in Figure 1 below.


Deal and Kennedy's Model Diagram

Tough-Guy, Macho – This culture contains a world of individualists who enjoy risk and who get quick feedback on their decisions. This is an all-or-nothing culture where successful employees are the ones who enjoy excitement and work very hard to be stars. The entertainment industry, sports teams and advertising are great examples of this cultural type.


Get the Free Newsletter

Get the Free Newsletter


Learn new career skills every week, and get our Personal Development Plan Workbook FREE when you subscribe.


Privacy Policy

Teamwork is not highly valued in this culture, and it's a difficult environment for people who blossom slowly. This leads to higher turnover, which impedes efforts to build a cohesive culture. Thus, individualism continues to prevail.


Work Hard/Play Hard – This culture is the world of sales (among others). Employees themselves take few risks; however, the feedback on how well they are performing is almost immediate. Employees in this culture have to maintain high levels of energy and stay upbeat. Heroes in such cultures are high volume salespeople.


Interestingly, this culture recognizes that one person alone cannot make the company. They know it is a team effort and everyone is driven to excel. Contests among employees are common here, as they drive everyone to reach new heights.


Bet-Your-Company – Here, the culture is one in which decisions are high risk but employees may wait years before they know whether their actions actually paid off. Pharmaceutical companies are an obvious example of this culture, as are oil and gas companies, architectural firms and organizations in other large, capital-intensive industries.


Because the need to make the right decision is so great, the cultural elements evolve such that values are long-term focused and there is a collective belief in the need to plan, prepare and perform due diligence at all stages of decision making.


Process – In this culture, feedback is slow, and the risks are low. Large retailers, banks, insurance companies and government organizations are typically in this group. No single transaction has much impact on the organization's success and it takes years to find out whether a decision was good or bad.


Because of the lack of immediate feedback, employees find it very difficult to measure what they do so they focus instead on how they do things. Technical excellence is often valued here and employees will pay attention to getting the process and the details right without necessarily measuring the actual outcome.


Three out of the four currently ruling Communist parties use a hammer and sickle as the party symbol: the Communist Party of China, the Communist Party of Vietnam, and the Lao People's Revolutionary Party. All of these use the yellow-on-red colour scheme. In Laos and Vietnam, the hammer and sickle flags party flags can often be seen flying side-by-side with their respective national flags.

The four basic types of community organizing are grassroots or "door-knocking" organizing, faith-based community organizing (FBCO), broad-based and coalition building. Political campaigns often claim that their door-to-door operations are in fact an effort to organize the community, though often these operations are focused exclusively on voter identification and turnout.


Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky have grouped the history of "community organizing" (also known as "social agitation") in the United States into four rough periods:


Mostly black students from area colleges led a sit-in at a Woolworth's store in Greensboro, North Carolina.[62] On February 1, 1960, four students, Ezell A. Blair, Jr., David Richmond, Joseph McNeil, and Franklin McCain from North Carolina Agricultural & Technical College, an all-black college, sat down at the segregated lunch counter to protest Woolworth's policy of excluding African Americans from being served there.[63] The four students purchased small items in other parts of the store and kept their receipts, then sat down at the lunch counter and asked to be served. After being denied service, they produced their receipts and asked why their money was good everywhere else at the store, but not at the lunch counter.[64]


Mostly black students from area colleges led a sit-in at a Woolworth's store in Greensboro, North Carolina.[62] On February 1, 1960, four students, Ezell A. Blair, Jr., David Richmond, Joseph McNeil, and Franklin McCain from North Carolina Agricultural & Technical College, an all-black college, sat down at the segregated lunch counter to protest Woolworth's policy of excluding African Americans from being served there.[63] The four students purchased small items in other parts of the store and kept their receipts, then sat down at the lunch counter and asked to be served. After being denied service, they produced their receipts and asked why their money was good everywhere else at the store, but not at the lunch counter.[64]


Nightriders shot into black homes, and teenagers Audrey Nell Edwards, JoeAnn Anderson, Samuel White, and Willie Carl Singleton (who came to be known as "The St. Augustine Four") spent six months in jail and reform school after sitting in at the local Woolworth's lunch counter. It took a special action of the governor and cabinet of Florida to release them after national protests by the Pittsburgh Courier, Jackie Robinson, and others.


Kennedy prepared to federalize the Alabama National Guard if the need arose. Four months later, on September 15, a conspiracy of Ku Klux Klan members bombed the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, killing four young girls.


In 1964, Dr. Hayling and other activists urged the Southern Christian Leadership Conference to come to St. Augustine. The first action came during spring break, when Hayling appealed to northern college students to come to the Ancient City, not to go to the beach, but to take part in demonstrations. Four prominent Massachusetts women—Mrs. Mary Parkman Peabody, Mrs. Esther Burgess, Mrs. Hester Campbell (all of whose husbands were Episcopal bishops), and Mrs. Florence Rowe (whose husband was vice president of John Hancock Insurance Company) came to lend their support. The arrest of Mrs. Peabody, the 72-year-old mother of the governor of Massachusetts, for attempting to eat at the segregated Ponce de Leon Motor Lodge in an integrated group, made front page news across the country, and brought the movement in St. Augustine to the attention of the world.


The evening of a second march on March 9 to the site of Bloody Sunday, local whites attacked Rev. James Reeb, a voting rights supporter. He died of his injuries in a Birmingham hospital March 11. On March 25, four Klansmen shot and killed Detroit homemaker Viola Liuzzo as she drove marchers back to Selma at night after the successfully completed march to Montgomery.


In 1970 the civil rights lawyer Roy Haber began taking statements from inmates. He collected 50 pages of details of murders, rapes, beatings and other abuses suffered by the inmates from 1969 to 1971 at Mississippi State Penitentiary. In a landmark case known as Gates v. Collier (1972), four inmates represented by Haber sued the superintendent of Parchman Farm for violating their rights under the United States Constitution.


Organized by SNCC in 1962, The Freedom Singers were originally four black students, Cordell Reagon, Bernice Johnson, Charles Neblett, and Rutha Mae Harris. The group originated in Albany, Georgia, with the objective of educating communities about civil rights issues through performances and songs. The movement was closely connected to the church, and the use of both secular and spiritual songs served as the link that tied the two together for the cause of racial equality. The group gave more than 200 performances at college campuses, demonstrations, marches, and even jails. Singing provided a means for demonstrators to endure the pain and frustrations of assaults, dog attacks, fire hoses, and jail time.



Under the sway of this fallacy we are likely to recoil at the prospect of combining the words interdependence and autonomy (Quadrant four) in the same breath, or to conceive of combining independence with heteronomy (Quadrant three).


As a result, Quadrants three and four may be considered “hidden” in our culture -- and are not given adequate consideration in the typical discourse regarding the relationship between the individual and society. This a rather curious state of affairs in so far as it is primarily within Quadrant three ideologies that we in the Western world typically live.


In spite of the seeming paradox involved in articulating Quadrant three and Quadrant four social philosophies, some individual theorists have made such an attempt.


Dravidian, Chinese and Hottentot were next. Finally he decided that all languages descended from Georgian, and that Georgian itself derived from a protolanguage called Japhetic which in its earliest form consisted of just four words, the primal cries sal, ber, yon, and rosh.


Marr’s quest was an old one. Herodotus tells us that the Pharaoh Psammetichus became obsessed with the origin of human speech. (He took two infants and had them raised in total isolation. The first word they spoke was becos, the Phrygian word for bread, proving that the original language was Phrygian.) The delusion that one’s native tongue is the root of all speech even has a name: Goropianism, after Goropius Becanus, the 16th century humanist who proved — to his own satisfaction — that Dutch was the language spoken in Paradise. But in the Soviet Union, delusions came with a much higher price. Disagreeing with Marr could mean exile or death. In his memoirs, Aleksander Wat describes meeting one of Marr’s former disciples in a Moscow prison: “He kept repeating ‘shaa… ishaa’ … his eyes were wild, on fire … he had discovered the origin of language


In September 1963, the Klan staged a rally of several hundred Klansmen on the outskirts of town. They seized Robert Hayling and three other NAACP activists (Clyde Jenkins, James Jackson, and James Hauser), and beat them with fists, chains, and clubs.[8] The four men were rescued by Florida Highway Patrol officers. St. Johns County Sheriff L. O. Davis arrested four white men for the beating and also arrested the four unarmed blacks for "assaulting" the large crowd of armed Klansmen. Charges against the Klansmen were dismissed, but Hayling was convicted of "criminal assault" against the KKK mob.[5][9]


The Pittsburgh Courier was an African-American newspaper published in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, from 1907[1] until October 22, 1966.[2] By the 1930s, the Courier was one of the top black newspapers in the United States.[3]


It was acquired in 1965 by John H. Sengstacke, a major black publisher and owner of the Chicago Defender; he re-opened it in 1967 as the New Pittsburgh Courier in 1967, making it one of his four newspapers for the African-American audience.

FOUR PAPER CHAIN Following Sengstacke's death in 1997, what was then a four-paper chain was held in a family trust until 2003. It was sold that year for nearly $12 million to Real Times, a group of investors with several business and family ties to Sengstacke.[7]


There are four different forms of mental self-government in the theory: monarchic, hierarchic, oligarchic, and anarchic.


Monarchic. The monarchic individual has a predilection for tasks, projects, and situations that allow complete focus on one thing or aspect at a time until it is complete. A monarchically oriented individual is single-minded and often driven, and likes to finish one thing before moving on to the next.


Hierarchic. The hierarchic individual has a predilection for tasks, projects, and situations that allow creation of a hierarchy of goals to fulfill. This individual likes to do multiple things in a given time frame, but assigns differential priorities for getting them done. Hierarchic people tend to be adaptive in many settings where it is necessary to set priorities for getting certain things done before others, or where it is necessary to decide that some things are more worthy of attention than are others.


Oligarchic. The oligarchic individual has a predilection for tasks, projects, and situations that allow working with competing approaches, with multiple aspects or goals that are equally important. This individual, like the hierarchically oriented one, likes to do multiple things within a given time frame, but has trouble setting priorities for which to get done when. The oligarchically oriented individual thus adapts well if the competing demands are of roughly equal priority, but has more trouble if the things are of different priorities.


Anarchic. The anarchic individual has a predilection for tasks, projects, and situations that lend themselves to great flexibility of approaches, and to trying anything when, where, and how he or she pleases. This individual tends to be asystematic or even antisystematic. The individual tends to take a random approach to problems, and is sometimes difficult for other people to understand.


On 10 August 1628, Captain Söfring Hansson ordered Vasa to depart on her maiden voyage to the naval station at Älvsnabben. The day was calm, and the only wind was a light breeze from the southwest. The ship was warped (hauled by anchor) along the eastern waterfront of the city to the southern side of the harbor, where four sails were set, and the ship made way to the east. The gun ports were open, and the guns were out to fire a salute as the ship left Stockholm.[14]



In the early 1620s, work at the Stockholm navy yard was led by a pair of Dutch-born entrepreneurs, Antonius Monier and master shipwright Henrik Hybertsson, who was usually referred to as 'Master Henrik'. When a new contract for operation of the navy yard was negotiated in the winter of 1624–1625, Monier withdrew and Master Henrik took on a young merchant from Amsterdam, Arendt de Groote, as partner. On 16 January 1625, Henrik and Arendt signed a contract to build four ships, two larger with a keel length of 128 feet (38 m) and two smaller, with dimensions to match the earlier ship Gustavus.


The artistic quality of the sculptures varies considerably, and about four distinct styles can be identified. The only artist who has been positively associated with various sculptures is Mårten Redtmer, whose style has been described as 'powerful, lively and naturalistic'.[25] He was responsible for a considerable number of the sculptures. These include some of the most important and prestigious pieces: the figurehead lion, the royal coat of arms, and the sculpture of the king at the top of the transom. Two of the other styles are described as 'elegant ... a little stereotyped and manneristic', and of a 'heavy, leisurely but nevertheless rich and lively style', respectively. The fourth and last style, deemed clearly inferior to the other three, is described as 'stiff and ungainly'[26] and was done by other carvers, perhaps even apprentices, of lesser skill.



Vasa posed an unprecedented challenge for archaeologists. Never before had a four-story structure with most of its original contents largely undisturbed been available for excavation.[47] The conditions under which the team had to work added to the difficulties. The ship had to be kept wet in order that it not dry out and crack before it could be properly conserved. Digging had to be performed under a constant drizzle of water and in a sludge-covered mud that could be more than one metre (approximately three feet) deep. In order to establish find locations, the hull was divided into several sections demarcated by the many structural beams, the decking and by a line drawn along the centre of the ship from stern to bow. For the most part, the decks were excavated individually, though at times work progressed on more than one deck level simultaneously.[48]




A tables set found on Vasa, complete with dice and markers

Vasa had four preserved decks: the upper and lower gun decks, the hold and the orlop.

There are four types of Latin suits: Italian, Spanish, Portuguese,[c] and an extinct archaic type.[4][5] The systems can be distinguished by the pips of their long suits: swords and clubs. Italian swords are curved outward and the clubs appear to be batons. They intersect one another. Spanish swords are straight, and the clubs appear to be knobbly cudgels. They do not cross each other. Portuguese pips are like the Spanish, but they intersect like Italian ones. They sometimes have dragons on the aces.[6] This system lingers on only in the Tarocco Siciliano and the Unsun Karuta of Japan. The archaic system[d] is like the Italian one, but the swords are curved inward so they touch each other without intersecting.[7][8] Minchiate used a mixed system of Italian clubs and Portuguese swords.


In his 1988 book, Long Cycles: Prosperity and War in the Modern Age, Joshua S Goldstein suggests that empires, like individuals, experience midlife crisis. After a period of expansion in which all earlier goals are realised, overconfidence sets in. Regimes are then likely to attack or threaten their nearest rival. Goldstein cites four examples: the British Empire and the Crimean War; the German Second Reich and World War I; the USSR and the Cuban Missile Crisis; the United States and the Vietnam War.


The Anatomy of Revolution is a book by Crane Brinton outlining the "uniformities" of four major political revolutions: the English Revolution of the 1640s, the American, the French, and 1917 Russian Revolution. Brinton notes how the revolutions followed a life-cycle from the Old Order to a moderate regime to a radical regime, to Thermidorian reaction. The book has been called "classic,[1] "famous" and a "watershed in the study of revolution," [2] and has been influential enough to have inspired advice given to US President Jimmy Carter by his National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski during the Iranian Revolution. [3]

Many such early studies of revolutions tended to concentrate on four classic cases: famous and uncontroversial examples that fit virtually all definitions of revolutions, such as the Glorious Revolution (1688), the French Revolution (1789–1799), the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the Chinese Revolution (also known as the Chinese Civil War) (1927–1949).[15] In his The Anatomy of Revolution, however, the Harvard historian Crane Brinton focused on the English Civil War, the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and the Russian Revolution.[17]

Scholars of revolutions, like Jack Goldstone, differentiate four current 'generations' of scholarly research dealing with revolutions.[15] The scholars of the first generation such as Gustave Le Bon, Charles A. Ellwood, or Pitirim Sorokin, were mainly descriptive in their approach, and their explanations of the phenomena of revolutions was usually related to social psychology, such as Le Bon's crowd psychology theory.[11]

To Herbert Blumer’s conceptual perspective, he put them in three core principles: that people act toward things, including each other, on the basis of the meanings they have for them; that these meanings are derived through social interaction with others; and that these meanings are managed and transformed through an interpretive process that people use to make sense of and handle the objects that constitute their social worlds. Keeping in mind of Blumer’s earlier work, David A. Snow, professor of Sociology at the University of California, suggests four broader and even more basic orienting principles: human agency, interactive determination, symbolization, and emergence. Snow uses these four principles as the thematic bases for identifying and discussing contributions to the study of social movements.

Human agency
Human agency emphasizes the active, willful, goal seeking character of human actors. The emphasis on agency focuses attention on those actions, events, and moments in social life in which agentic action is especially palpable.

Interactive determination
Interactive determination specifies that understanding of focal objects of analysis, whether they are self-concepts, identities, roles, practices, or even social movements. Basically this means, neither individual, society, self, or others exist only in relation to each other and therefore can be fully understood only in terms of their interaction.

Symbolization highlights the processes through which events and conditions, artifacts, people, and other environmental features that take on particular meanings, becoming nearly only objects of orientation. Human behavior is partly contingent on what the object of orientation symbolizes or means.

Emergence focuses on attention on the processual and nonhabituated side of social life, focusing not only on organization and texture of social life, but also associated meaning and feelings. The principal of emergence tells us not only to possibility of new forms of social life and system meaning but also to transformations in existing forms of social organization. (Herman-Kinney Reynolds 812-824).[3]


In a career spanning more than 40 years, Mead wrote almost constantly and published numerous articles and book reviews in both philosophy and psychology. However, he did not publish any books. Following his death, several of his students put together and edited four volumes from records of Mead's social psychology course at the University of Chicago, his lecture notes, and his numerous unpublished papers. The four volumes are: Mead's 1930 Carus Lectures, edited by Charles W. Morris; The Philosophy of the Present (1932), edited by Arthur E. Murphy; Mind, Self and Society (1934), edited by Charles W. Morris; Movements of Thought in the Nineteenth Century (1936), edited by Merritt H. Moore; and The Philosophy of the Act (1938).


There are four main tenets of pragmatism (see Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy): First, to pragmatists true reality does not exist "out there" in the real world, it "is actively created as we act in and toward the world." Second, people remember and base their knowledge of the world on what has been useful to them and are likely to alter what no longer "works." Third, people define the social and physical "objects" they encounter in the world according to their use for them. Lastly, if we want to understand actors, we must base that understanding on what people actually do. Three of these ideas are critical to symbolic interactionism:


To define and analyze functional systems, Parsons applies a general conceptual scheme for functional analysis. The starting point is that any system of action is said to have four key functional problems: (latent) pattern maintenance (L), integration (I), goal-attainment (G) and adaptation to the environment (A).


As applied to what we might call a societal action system, the four types of functional problems are specified, respectively, in the reverse order, in two steps. In the first step, this action system is modeled as a system with four types of interdependent functional subsystems: cultural systems (L), social systems (I), personality systems (G) and behavioral systems that adapt to the biophysical environment (A). What is normally called "the society" is the most inclusive social system in this analysis of the societal action system, so that its environment consists of cultural systems as well as the personality and behavioral systems of its members. Then the analysis of a society, in this sense, proceeds by four-function analysis once again. In AGIL order, the society as an integrative system of action (I) has four functional problems: economic (collective adaptation to the action and biophysical environments, IA), political (collective goal attainment, IG), social integrative (II), and fiduciary (maintenance of the cultural traditions, IL). Corresponding to these four problems are four interdependent functional subsystems of the societal action system: economy, polity, societal community and fiduciary system.


Linking the two conceptual schemes for structure and function, for instance, yields political values, political norms, political collectivities and political roles as the structural components involved in the polity. These units interpenetrate with the components of all the other systems because the same people who act in political roles (e.g., voter) perform actions in other roles (e.g.. consumer). Thus, functional connectivity characterizes the partial differentiated structures (assuming here a modern differentiated society).


In this conceptual scheme, in principle, each analytical theory of action has a scope that corresponds to one or more functional subsystems. The analytical focus of theoretical sociology, in this four-function perspective, is the integrative subsystem of any social action system. This is a "system of solidarities" to use the nice terminology of Baum (1975). The focus is on the problematic integration of a social system. In the limit, the system may consist of a single collectivity without subcollectivities. In another direction, it may consist of a huge number of intersecting subcollectivities but not itself form a single collectivity. Finally, it may be both "many" and "one," in the sense that it is both a single collectivity and has plural subcollectivities within it. For instance, at the societal level, the term "nation" points to a single solidary system, a collectivity, but the nation will be comprised of intersecting subcollectivities. In short, as in Durkheim, the fundamental theoretical problem of sociology is social integration at any level of social life, the "double I" (II) problem in Parsons's four-function scheme.


In general, Parsons seems to have an image of a tree of analytical theories, each scope-defined:


Cultural theory (L)

Social theory (I)

Personality theory (G)

Behavioral theory (A)


Sociologists have employed at least four different types of models in the analysis of structure in social life. We may regard these as four representation principles under the headings: structure as network; structure as distribution; structure as grammar, and structure as game. One aspect of recent theoretical sociology is the use of combinations of these models in developing theories. Thus, the four types of models form a set of interrelated conceptual elements (see Figure 4).


Structure as Game. A fourth representation of structure employs game theory. A play of a game is analogous to an utterance in a language, wherein the rules of the game play the role of the grammar. Given such rules, a tree of possible sequential plays of the game is implied, called the game in extensive form. However, as distinct from grammatical analysis, the focus in game-theoretic analysis is on strategic interaction, so that a model of rational choice usually supplements the game model. The aim of the game-theoretic model-builder is to derive the consequences of rational choices on the part of each player, often with a view of showing how outcomes involve "perverse effects" (Boudon 1982). Thus, the game model is an alternative to the grammatical model that emphasizes emergent order at the level of the tacit or implicit rules governing institutionalized social action. The game model, by contrast, emphasizes the way in which the structure, as represented by the game, produces predictable but often-paradoxical effects from the conjunction of rational choices.


Many people know things about the social world without having a background in sociology. Sometimes their knowledge is valid; sometimes it is not. It is important, therefore, to think about how people know what they know, and compare it to the scientific way of knowing. Four types of non-scientific reasoning are common in everyday life: knowledge based on casual observation, knowledge based on selective evidence, knowledge based on overgeneralization, and knowledge based on authority or tradition.


Table 2.1. Scientific and Non-Scientific Ways of Knowing (Source: Amy Blackstone, Sociological Inquiry Principles: Qualitative and Quantitative Methods. Creative Commons by-nc-sa 3.0 License)

Way of Knowing Description

Casual Observation Occurs when we make observations without any systematic process for observing or assessing the accuracy of what we observed.

Selective Observation Occurs when we see only those patterns that we want to see, or when we assume that only the patterns we have experienced directly exist.

Overgeneralization Occurs when we assume that broad patterns exist even when our observations have been limited.

Authority/Tradition A socially defined source of knowledge that might shape our beliefs about what is true and what is not true.

Scientific Research Methods An organized, logical way of learning and knowing about our social world.

Many people know things simply because they have experienced them directly. If you grew up in Manitoba you may have observed what plenty of kids learn each winter, that it really is true that one’s tongue will stick to metal when it’s very cold outside. Direct experience may get us accurate information, but only if we are lucky. Unlike the fictional detective Sherlock Holmes, in general we are not very careful observers. In this example, the observation process is not really deliberate or formal. Instead, you would come to know what you believe to be true through casual observation. The problem with casual observation is that sometimes it is right, and sometimes it is wrong. Without any systematic process for observing or assessing the accuracy of our observations, we can never really be sure if our informal observations are accurate.


Here, instead of focusing on the type of organization, we're looking at the different sorts of engagement. Thin kinds of engagement require little thought on the part of the doer; thick means the participant has to really consider and deliberate. Symbolic engagement is centered on voice, while impactful changes measurable outcomes. (In more recent work, Zuckerman has shaded this distinction, since certain kinds of symbolic campaigns aimed at raising the visibility of some issue and educating the public can be deeply impactful, over time, if they change cultural assumptions and norms of behavior.) Helpfully, he illustrates the four resulting quadrants: "clicktivism" would go in the top left, as heavily symbolic and thin; voting would go in the top right, as impactful but also thin; the Occupy movement's on-the-ground occupations of public squares would go in the bottom left quadrant, as examples of symbolic but thick kinds of engagement; and something like Occupy Sandy, that mobilized a huge number of volunteers to deliver tons of tangible relief to victim of Hurricane Sandy, would go in the bottom right quadrant.


Now, try to abstract outward from those four concrete examples to more generic categories. I've taken a stab at an answer below. The four kinds of civic tech tools we have, depending on whether participation is thin or thick and whether action is symbolic or impactful, seem to be clicktivism, story-sharing, feedback filters or public squares.


Tom went on to helpfully segment the whole sector into four parts, which I think is where his intervention starts getting really helpful:


1. Decision influencing organizationsthat try to directly shape or change particular decisions made by powerful individuals or organizations.


2. Regime changing organizations that try to replace decision makers, not persuade them.


3. Citizen empowering organizations that try to give people the resources and the confidence required to exert power for whatever purpose those people see fit, both now and in the future.


4. Digital government organizations that try to improve the ways in which governments acquire and use computers and networks. Strictly speaking this is just a sub-category of ‘decision influencing organization’, on a par with an environmental group or a union, but more geeky.


Here, instead of focusing on the type of organization, we're looking at the different sorts of engagement. Thin kinds of engagement require little thought on the part of the doer; thick means the participant has to really consider and deliberate. Symbolic engagement is centered on voice, while impactful changes measurable outcomes. (In more recent work, Zuckerman has shaded this distinction, since certain kinds of symbolic campaigns aimed at raising the visibility of some issue and educating the public can be deeply impactful, over time, if they change cultural assumptions and norms of behavior.) Helpfully, he illustrates the four resulting quadrants: "clicktivism" would go in the top left, as heavily symbolic and thin; voting would go in the top right, as impactful but also thin; the Occupy movement's on-the-ground occupations of public squares would go in the bottom left quadrant, as examples of symbolic but thick kinds of engagement; and something like Occupy Sandy, that mobilized a huge number of volunteers to deliver tons of tangible relief to victim of Hurricane Sandy, would go in the bottom right quadrant.


Now, try to abstract outward from those four concrete examples to more generic categories. I've taken a stab at an answer below. The four kinds of civic tech tools we have, depending on whether participation is thin or thick and whether action is symbolic or impactful, seem to be clicktivism, story-sharing, feedback filters or public squares.


Tom went on to helpfully segment the whole sector into four parts, which I think is where his intervention starts getting really helpful:


1. Decision influencing organizationsthat try to directly shape or change particular decisions made by powerful individuals or organizations.


2. Regime changing organizations that try to replace decision makers, not persuade them.


3. Citizen empowering organizations that try to give people the resources and the confidence required to exert power for whatever purpose those people see fit, both now and in the future.


4. Digital government organizations that try to improve the ways in which governments acquire and use computers and networks. Strictly speaking this is just a sub-category of ‘decision influencing organization’, on a par with an environmental group or a union, but more geeky.


A research portfolio as 4-field matrix serves as Future-Matrix in ideation.

4.1. Innovations with radical potential

Quadrant I—material technology/compound: a significant proportion of university generic basic research is undertaken in WPC Flat-Panels. Established by flat pressing technology using dry-blends, they offer an interesting potential for market innovations, such as cladding panels or shingles made from current WPC compound.

Quadrant I—WPC next generation: the basic research on pure bio-based fibre-reinforced plastics is already underway and constitutes a high potential for sustainable and compostable mass products. It could offer, just to the construction sector, an interesting field for radical innovations with considerable market success. This is due to legal proof of resource use and sustainability of building products (Regulation (EU) No 305/2011) [9]. Particularly engineers, seeking materials made from renewable resources, will be enabled to realise green building projects [10].


4.2. Innovations with incremental potential

Quadrant III—virtual product components for sales promotion: nowadays, applied basic research is executed under scientific methods focusing mainly on eco-balance and the derivation of appropriate life-cycle concepts for existing WPC product groups. Thus, this kind of research is in line with the increasing statutory demand for sustainable resource use. Such activities have only little innovative character but results can be used in sales promotion and for product differentiation. We strongly assume that, with increasing market growth of WPC cladding, the demand for such proofs will rise similar to decking.


Quadrant IV—incremental product developments: we identified a strong industry involvement in the categories Durability and colour/form Stability of current WPC decking. We presume that, with increasing market saturation of today’s WPC decking products, there is a need to stimulate demand again based on product variation, such as new shapes, dirt-repellent surfaces, structural use or even a clever recycling concept for cascading. Results therefrom are not very innovative but they serve the industry with a promotional and differentiation potential.

Fourth Intercolonial War (1754-1760)


Battle of Cuddalore (29 April 1758)

Battle of Negapatam (3 August 1758)

Seat Madras (December 1758-February 1759)

Battle of Pondicherry (10 September 1759)

Siege of Pondicherry (March 1760 to January 4, 1761)


This type of incremental change is reinforced by the “Ways to Grow” matrix. This matrix shows there are new and old users and goods. Successful designs typically fall in the evolutionary quadrants while radical ideas fall in the revolutionary quadrant. A good example of a revolutionary concept that failed is the Segway. The Segway offered a personal transportation to people who were not already using personal transportation. It was a new offering to new users.


Ways to Grow


The Power of Habit acknowledges that “to market a new habit, you must understand how to make the novel seem familiar.” This reinforces that if you dress something up in something familiar, it is easier for the public to accept it. Charles Duhigg likens this to a radio DJ’s sandwich technique used to make a new song a hit. This technique takes a song that is unpopular and plays it between two songs that are already hits. This “sandwich playlist” is used over and over again until the song catches hold. The method is so effectives that is credited for Outcast’s “Hey Ya” receiving a grammy. The song originally had 26.6% of listeners changing the channel. Within three months, that number dropped to 5.7% by disguising the song with songs that were familiar. The song eventually sold 5.5 million albums.


Success in both individual and organizational change can be greatly improved by leveraging what is already familiar. Designs should keep this in mind when introducing new processes in existing cultures. This approach can help ease the process of change.

I'm a paragraph. Click here to add your own text and edit me. It's easy.


Edgar Schein describes four types of cultures; macrocultures, organizational cultures, subcultures, and microcultures. Macrocultures are large cultures that span beyond organizations. Examples of these include religious cultures, industry cultures, and national identities. The world of academic healthcare centers is a macroculture. What defines this is the shared basic assumptions that are true across the industry so that an organization like the Mayo Clinic in Minnesota shares cultural similarities with the John Hopkins Institue in Baltimore.


According to Schein, there are 4 categories of culture : Macrocultures (nations, occupations that exists globally, …), Organizational Cultures, subcultures (groups within organizations, and microcultures (microsystems with or within organizations).


There are four types of organisation depending on their orientation : power (autocratic founders), achievement (results), roles (bureaucracies) and support.


Another typologie can be carried out along 2 dimensions : solidarity (like-minded) and sociability (friendly). Low on both is Fragmented, High on solidarity alone is Mercenary, High on Sociability alone is Communal and High on both is Networked.


Schein divides organizational development into four stages, highlighting certain strengths that are best applied during those stages. I’m going to recap those strengths but I’m also listing some of the signs that I think indicate it’s time to move to the next stage. To be clear, you never have to move forward and, most certainly, no one can ever make you. But if your vision is to grow, go forward, be fruitful and multiply (I’m talking sales, not sons and daughters), then these indicators are good signs that it’s time to go.


Jon & Pang (2012) identify four negative emotions (anger, fright, anxiety, and sadness) as the dominant emotions that are most likely to be experienced by the public in crisis situations

This leads to four revolutions in management thinking about organization, economics, science and morality.


Smith, L. (1925). Four Romantic Words, in Words and Idioms: Studies in the English Language. London: Constable.


I think this framework first came up in a conversation with John Maeda. The original observation was that artist and scientists tend to work well together, and designers and engineers work well together, but that scientists and engineers don't work as well together, and likewise, neither do artists and designers. Engineers and designers tend to focus on utility and understand the world through observation and gathering the constraints of a problem to come up with a solution. Artists and scientists, on the other hand are inspired by nature or math, and they create through pure inner creativity and pursue expression that is more connected to things like truth or beauty than something so imperfect as mere utility. Which is to say, there are many more ways to divide the brain than into left and right hemispheres.


However, I think a lot of the most interesting and impactful creative works tend to require all the use of all four quadrants. Many of the faculty at the Media Lab work in the dead center of this grid--or as I like to call it, this compass--or perhaps they lean in one direction, but they're able to channel skills from all four quadrants. Neri Oxman, one of our faculty members who recently created The Silk Pavilion, told me that she is both an artists and a designer but switches between the modes as she works on an idea. And to look at The Silk Pavilion, it's clear she could easily qualify as either a scientist or engineer, too.


I think that there are a variety of practices and ways of thinking we can use to get to the center of this compass. The key is to pull these quadrants as close together as possible. An interdisciplinary group would have a scientist, an artist, a designer, and an engineer working with each other. But this only reinforces the distinctions between these disciplines. And it's much less effective than having people who use all four quadrants, as the project or problem requires.


The tyranny of traditional disciplines and functionally segregated organizations fail to produce the type of people who can work with this creativity compass, but I believe that in a world where the rate of change increases exponentially, where disruption has become a norm instead of an anomaly, the challenge will be to think this way if we want to effectively solve the problems we face today, much less tomorrow.


Update: A good book on this topic. Gold, Rich. The Plenitude: Creativity, Innovation, and Making Stuff. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 2007. Rich calls the quadrants the "four hats of creativity".


Now, my first reaction to it is that it is Stanford boosterism. (Members of universities such as MIT, Stanford, the University of Pennsylvania, etc. often resent the status of "Harvard, Yale, and Princeton," which, from certain points of view, appears to beundeserved Undeserved it may well be, but they have this special status whether deserved or not. I've seen editors of the MIT article insist that the meme is no longer "Harvard, Yale and Princeton" but "Harvard, MIT and Stanford," editors of the Penn article insist that the meme is "Big Four," including Harvard, Yale, Princeton and Penn, and so forth. But they have not produced convincing source citations attesting to such assertions).


A Penn booster kept inserting "Penn is one of the Big Four" into the University of Pennsylvania article. Unfortunately, nobody was ever able to produce more than a few scrappy references to "Big Four," mostly referring to domination of particular sports at particular times... and the "fourth" member of the Big Four wasn't always Penn.


One of Lévi-Strauss's many examples is the relationship between two Australian groups, the Aranda and the Arabanna. The Aranda have a complex system for intermarriages that divides all people into two groups and then four stages within each group. The system specifies where the children will live and how they will marry. The Arabanna use a different system for marriages, but somehow use the Aranda's marriage system for determining the sex and affiliation of reincarnated spirits. The structure has been borrowed and transposed, appropriated because of its ability to generate a certain economy independently of its substrate.


In Chaosmosis, Guattari proposes an analysis of subjectivity in terms of four dimensions: (1) material, energetic, and semiotic fluxes; (2) concrete and abstract machinic phylums; (3) virtual universes of value; and (4) finite existential territories.[4] This scheme attempts to grasp the heterogeneity of components involved in the production of subjectivity, as Guattari understands it, which include both signifying semiotic components as well as "a-signifying semiological dimensions" (which work "in parallel or independently of" any signifiying function that they may have).[5]


Deleuze and Guattari in their introduction to Schizoanalysis in Anti-Oedipus will offer us four thesis: (1) Every investment is social, and (2) within the social investments we will distinguish the unconscious libidinal investment of group or desire, and the preconscious investment of class or interest; (3) third, schizoanalysis posits the primacy of the libidinal investments of the social field over the familial investment, both in point of fact and by statute: an indifferent stimulus at the beginning, an extrinsic result at the point of arrival; and, (4) finally, the distinction between two poles of social libidinal investment: the paranoiac, reactionary, and fascisizing pole, and the schizoid revolutionary pole. (see AO: pp. 361, 362, 375, 385)


It was insightful of Guattari (1989) to see the environmental, social and mental ecologies as being in dynamic relation with one another. The picture, however, is incomplete if we do not explicitly recognize and take into consideration a fourth ecology, namely, the ecology of technologies or media, which bears significantly upon the three ecologies examined by Guattari. This is not to suggest that Guattari does not pay sufficient attention to the role played by technology in our sociality and mental ecology.6


It is time for us to make a strategic shift of perspective and envision the world in terms of the ecology of machinic assemblages, which encompasses all four dimensions, namely, the environmental, the technological, the social and the mental. For the Spinozist, the four dimensions are really one. Culture is simply nature becoming self-conscious and self-reflexive. This is an at once monistic and pluralistic view of the world, a view that is thoroughly Spinozan and Deleuzean.


I will extract from The Logic of Sense what I will call the four Deleuzean axioms of the event. Axiom 1: ‘Unlimited becoming becomes the event itself’6

The event is the ontological realisation of the eternal truth of the One, the infinite power [puissance] of Life. It is in no way a void, or a stupor, separated from what becomes. To the contrary, it is the concentration of the continuity of life, its intensification. The event is that which donates the One to the concatenation of multiplicities. We could advance the following formula: in becomings, the event is the proof of the One of which these becomings are the expression. This is why there is no contradiction between the limitless of becoming and the singularity of the event. The event reveals in an immanent way the One of becomings, it makes becoming this One. The event is the becoming of becoming: the becoming(-One) of (unlimited) becoming.

Axiom 2: ‘The event is always that which has just happened and that which is about to happen, but never that which is happening’7

The event is a synthesis of past and future. In reality, the expression of the One in becomings is the eternal identity of the future as a dimension of the past. The ontology of time, for Deleuze as for Bergson, admits no figure of separation. Consequently, the event would not be what takes place ‘between’ a past and a future, between the end of a world and the beginning of another. It is rather encroachment and connection: it realises the indivisible continuity of Virtuality. It exposes the unity of passage which fuses the one-just-after and the one-just-before. It is not ‘that which happens’, but that which, in what happens, has become and will become. The event as event of time, or time as the continued and eternal procedure of being, introduces no division into time, no intervallic void between two times. ‘Event’ repudiates the present understood as either passage or separation; it is the operative paradox of becoming. This thesis can thus be expressed in two ways: there is no present (the event is re-represented, it is active immanence which co-presents the past and the future); or, everything is present (the event is living or chaotic eternity, as the essence of time).

Axiom 3: ‘The event is of a different regime than the actions and passions of the body, even if it results from them.’8

Whether thought of as the becoming of becomings, or as disjunctive eternity, the event intensifies bodies, concentrates their constitutive multiplicity. It would therefore be neither of the same nature as the actions and the passions of the body, nor supervene on them. The event is not identical to the bodies which it affects, but neither is it transcendent to what happens to them or what they do, such that it cannot be said any longer that they are (ontologically) different to bodies. It is the differenciator of actions and passions of the body as a result. What then is an immanent One of becomings, if not Becoming? Or difference, or Relation (other Deleuzean terms)? However, Becoming is not an idea, but what becomings become. Thus the event affects bodies, because it is what they do or support as exposed syntheses. It is the coming of the One through them that they are as distinct nature (virtual rather than actual) and homogenous result (without them, it is not). This is the sense that must be given to the formula: ‘The event is coextensive with becoming’.



The event of Life will be thought as the body without organs: of a different regime than living organisms, but uniquely deployed or legible as the result of the actions and passions of these organisms.

Axiom 4: ‘A life is composed of a single and same Event, lacking all the variety of what happens to it.’9

What is difficult here is not the reiteration of the One as the concentrated expression of vital deployment. The three preceeding axioms are clear on this point. The difficulty is in understanding the word ‘composed’. The event is what composes a life somewhat as a musical composition is organised by its theme. ‘Variety’ must here be understood as ‘variation’, as variation on a theme. The event is not what happens to a life, but what is in what happens, or what happens in what happens, such that it can only have a single Event. The Event, in the disparate material of a life, is precisely the Eternal Return of the identical, the undifferentiated power [puissance] of the Same: the ‘powerful inorganic life.’10 With regard to any multiplicity whatsoever, it is of the essence of the Event to compose them into the One that they are, and to exhibit this unique composition in a potentially infinite variety of ways.


The close and vital relationship between the totem and the clan is shown in a definite ceremony: the yearly offering to the chief spirit of the ancestral hill. Each Birhor community has a tradition of an old settlement that is thought to be located on a hill in the area. Once a year, the men of each clan come together at an open place. The elder of the clan functions as the priest who gives the offering. A diagram with four sections is drawn on the ground with rice flour. In one of these, the elder sits while gazing in the direction of the ancestral hill. The emblem of the particular totem is placed in one of the other sections of the diagram; depending on the circumstances, this emblem could be a flower, a piece of horn or skin, a wing, or a twig. This emblem represents the clan as a whole. If an animal is needed for such a ceremony, it is provided by the members of another clan who do not hold it as a totem. The Birhor show great fear of the spirits of the ancestral hill and avoid these places as far as possible.